Analytical views that cut across the news, commentary, social, and audio corpora over the trailing 6 weeks. Read top-to-bottom it tells one story: what NZ is talking about, who’s driving it, where the sides diverge, and who’s paying. Methodology →
The strongest signals across money, press and public conversation — each links to the evidence below. Weekly snapshot · as of 20 Jul 2026 · trailing 6 weeks
Which channel sets the agenda, how long topics survive once they catch, and where coverage spikes in lockstep across the news, commentary, social and audio corpora at the same time.
Which channel surfaces topics first? The donut shows the overall first-mover distribution across all multi-channel topics. The table below shows channel share-of-voice per topic — where each topic’s coverage actually lives. Topics dominated by one channel (e.g. 80% social / 5% news) surface gaps between public conversation and press coverage.
Each cell shows what percentage of this topic’s total normalised attention comes from each channel. Raw counts are adjusted for channel volume — so social’s thousands of posts and news’s tens of articles are placed on a comparable scale. The small number underneath is the raw item count.
| Topic | News | Commentary | Social | Audio | Dominant channel |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Cost Of Living | 1.3% 35 | 9.4% 62 | 83.6% 3739 | 5.6% 5 | |
| Government Accountability | 3.7% 48 | 9.9% 34 | 84.3% 1933 | 2.1% 1 | |
| Political Accountability To Constituents | 4.9% 37 | 11.5% 24 | 77.0% 1130 | 6.6% 2 | |
| Treaty Of Waitangi Site | 0.0% 2 | 5.9% 10 | 90.2% 1108 | 3.9% 1 | |
| National Identity | 3.0% 12 | 9.0% 10 | 88.1% 705 | 0.0% 0 | |
| Treaty Of Waitangi Reinterpretation | 0.0% 2 | 26.8% 38 | 63.4% 627 | 9.8% 2 | |
| Treaty Of Waitangi Attacks | 0.0% 0 | 6.9% 7 | 93.1% 642 | 0.0% 0 | |
| Public Trust In National | 0.0% 1 | 1.8% 1 | 91.2% 626 | 7.0% 1 | |
| Treaty Of Waitangi Implementation | 1.3% 4 | 55.0% 78 | 38.8% 372 | 5.0% 1 | Commentary 55% |
| Māori Political Representation | 1.9% 9 | 35.8% 34 | 62.3% 392 | 0.0% 0 | |
| Media Bias In Journalism | 0.0% 0 | 19.1% 16 | 72.3% 403 | 8.5% 1 | |
| Election Satire | 2.6% 6 | 15.4% 10 | 82.1% 384 | 0.0% 0 | |
| Treaty Of Waitangi Health Principles | 0.0% 0 | 16.7% 13 | 73.8% 369 | 9.5% 1 | |
| Cost Of Living Pressures On Events | 7.9% 52 | 28.7% 51 | 21.8% 263 | 41.6% 10 | Talk Radio 42% |
| Housing Affordability | 8.3% 35 | 31.7% 33 | 40.0% 291 | 20.0% 3 | |
| Economic Inequality | 2.9% 6 | 11.8% 7 | 85.3% 347 | 0.0% 0 | |
| Political Hypocrisy | 3.2% 4 | 6.5% 4 | 90.3% 335 | 0.0% 0 | |
| Government Document Transparency | 3.2% 5 | 12.9% 7 | 83.9% 315 | 0.0% 0 | |
| Political Integrity | 0.0% 0 | 3.7% 1 | 96.3% 309 | 0.0% 0 | |
| Political Media Credibility | 0.0% 2 | 7.4% 4 | 92.6% 295 | 0.0% 0 |
How long do topics persist? Each topic is classified as persistent (still near peak), decaying (fading), flash (one-week spike), or resurgent (bounced back after a dip). In the chart, the further right a topic sits the closer it still is to its peak (its momentum); the higher it sits the more total coverage it drew; bubble size is its peak week. Half-life estimates how many weeks until volume halves from peak.
| Topic | Class | Peak | Current | Total | Active weeks | Half-life |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Cost Of Living | 762 | 313 | 3,841 | 7 | 4.7w | |
| Government Accountability | 437 | 129 | 2,016 | 7 | 3.4w | |
| Political Accountability To Constituents | 224 | 129 | 1,193 | 7 | 7.5w | |
| Treaty Of Waitangi Site | 236 | 70 | 1,121 | 7 | 3.4w | |
| National Identity | 176 | 69 | 727 | 7 | 4.4w | |
| Treaty Of Waitangi Reinterpretation | 151 | 65 | 669 | 7 | 4.9w | |
| Treaty Of Waitangi Attacks | 124 | 65 | 649 | 7 | 6.4w | |
| Public Trust In National | 137 | 1 | 629 | 7 | 0.8w | |
| Treaty Of Waitangi Implementation | 89 | 44 | 455 | 7 | 5.9w | |
| Māori Political Representation | 101 | 39 | 435 | 7 | 4.4w | |
| Media Bias In Journalism | 83 | 33 | 420 | 7 | 4.5w | |
| Election Satire | 79 | 36 | 400 | 7 | 5.3w | |
| Treaty Of Waitangi Health Principles | 85 | 34 | 383 | 7 | 4.5w | |
| Cost Of Living Pressures On Events | 78 | 36 | 376 | 7 | 5.4w | |
| Housing Affordability | 74 | 31 | 362 | 7 | 4.8w | |
| Economic Inequality | 104 | 23 | 360 | 7 | 2.8w | |
| Political Hypocrisy | 64 | 17 | 343 | 7 | 3.1w | |
| Government Tax Expenditure | 68 | 12 | 331 | 7 | 2.4w | |
| Government Document Transparency | 72 | 12 | 327 | 7 | 2.3w | |
| Political Integrity | 60 | 22 | 310 | 7 | 4.1w |
Topics that triggered volume spikes in two or more channels within the trailing 6 weeks. Each card shows the peak spike ratio per channel (e.g. ×5.2 means 5.2× the prior 4-week average). Synchronised anomalies are stronger signals than isolated spikes.
The people the corpus is talking about — whose share of voice is rising or fading week to week, across every channel at once.
Per-actor weekly mention volume across all channels (news, commentary, audio, social) over the trailing 6 weeks. The chart shows each actor’s total mentions per week; the table shows channel breakdown and stance sentiment from commentary sources.
| Actor | Party | Total mentions |
|---|---|---|
| Chris Bishop | National Party | 367 |
| Simeon Brown | National Party | 358 |
| Matt Doocey | National Party | 100 |
| Barbara Edmonds | Labour Party | 96 |
| Hon Paul Goldsmith | National | 216 |
| Chris Hipkins | Labour Party | 549 |
| Andrew Hoggard | ACT New Zealand | 94 |
| Hon Shane Jones | NZ First | 377 |
| Christopher Luxon | National Party | 876 |
| Todd McClay | National Party | 156 |
| Mark Mitchell | National Party | 326 |
| Chris Penk | National Party | 90 |
| Rt Hon Winston Peters | NZ First | 761 |
| Tama Potaka | 196 | |
| David Seymour | ACT New Zealand | 489 |
| Hon Erica Stanford | National | 276 |
| Louise Upston | National Party | 117 |
| Brooke van Velden | ACT New Zealand | 137 |
| Simon Watts | National Party | 113 |
| Nicola WILLIS | 396 |
The same topic, framed two ways — how critically each side covers it, and the parallel conversation happening on talk radio that the written press hasn’t picked up.
Topics where left-leaning and right-leaning commentary sources both have coverage (minimum 5 items per side), with per-stance breakdowns. The divergence score compares the proportion of critical coverage on each side, normalised for volume: 0% means both sides criticise the topic at the same rate; 100% means one side is entirely critical while the other is not at all. Raw stance counts are shown so you can judge the sample size yourself. Source orientation labels come from our hand-curated taxonomy.
| Topic | Left / Centre-left | Right / Centre-right | Divergence | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Supportive | Critical | Neutral | Supportive | Critical | Neutral | ||
| Green Party Tax Policy | 7 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 5 | 0 | |
| Cost Of Living | 0 | 15 | 1 | 2 | 4 | 1 | |
| Public Transport Funding | 0 | 9 | 0 | 1 | 5 | 1 | |
| Government Accountability | 2 | 7 | 0 | 7 | 7 | 0 | |
| Political Accountability To Constituents | 5 | 6 | 0 | 5 | 3 | 0 | |
| Treaty Of Waitangi Reinterpretation | 3 | 6 | 1 | 0 | 10 | 3 | |
| Kiwisaver Compulsory Contributions | 2 | 4 | 1 | 6 | 5 | 0 | |
| Cost Of Living And Humanitarian Crisis | 2 | 12 | 2 | 0 | 4 | 1 | |
Topics discussed on talk radio (transcribed audio) that are absent or minimal in written media. These represent the parallel conversation happening on air that journalists haven’t picked up — or can’t cover.
| Topic | Radio items | Shows | Written items | Ratio |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Travel Exchange Rate Transparency | 4 | hdpa-drive, mike-hosking-breakfast | 1 | 4 : 1 |
| Travel Money Markups | 4 | hdpa-drive, mike-hosking-breakfast | 0 | radio only |
| Farmers' Confidence Gap | 3 | hdpa-drive, the-country | 0 | radio only |
| Treaty Settlement Renegotiation | 3 | hdpa-drive, mike-hosking-breakfast | 0 | radio only |
The disclosed money behind the messaging — donations and ad spend set against the coverage it buys, and the independent third parties and unions spending alongside the parties.
Organisations with recorded donations or Meta ad spend, alongside their media footprint. Does money correlate with coverage? Note: correlation is not causation — parties with more money tend to be larger parties that naturally attract more coverage.
Where an organisation is a tracked lobby group or think tank Lobby, its name links to the full influence dossier and we show its earned-media reach — confirmed press, radio and commentary pickups and the number of distinct outlets reached over the last year. For these groups that earned footprint is a truer read on narrative penetration than the party-mention counts, which track named MPs rather than the group itself.
| Organisation | Type | Donations | Ad spend | News mentions | Commentary | Earned pickups | Channels | Social sentiment |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| ACT New Zealand | party | $3.5M | $0 | 415 | 250 | — | — | — |
| New Zealand National Party | party | $3.4M | $58k | 1,489 | 735 | — | — | — |
| New Zealand First Party | party | $1.4M | $299 | 7 | 12 | — | — | — |
| New Zealand Labour Party | party | $1.1M | $3k | 538 | 264 | — | — | — |
| Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | party | $995k | $68k | 57 | 36 | — | — | — |
| Opportunity Party | party | $471k | $0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | — |
| Te Pāti Māori | party | $90k | $100k | 15 | 16 | — | — | — |
| Freedoms New Zealand | party | $180k | $0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | — |
| Family First New Zealand Lobby | other | $0 | $131k | 0 | 0 | 1 | 1 | — |
| Hobson's Pledge Lobby | other | $0 | $79k | 0 | 0 | 13 | 9 | — |
| ACT | company | $0 | $62k | 0 | 0 | — | — | — |
| NewZeal | party | $52k | $0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | — |
| Vision New Zealand | party | $48k | $0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | — |
| New Zealand Taxpayers' Union Lobby | other | $0 | $34k | 0 | 0 | 113 | 20 | — |
| DemocracyNZ | party | $20k | $0 | 0 | 0 | — | — | — |
| Free Speech Union Lobby | other | $0 | $18k | 0 | 0 | 15 | 9 | — |
| James Christmas for Tāmaki | company | $0 | $9k | 0 | 0 | — | — | — |
| NZCTU Te Kauae Kaimahi Lobby | company | $0 | $9k | 0 | 0 | 6 | 2 | — |
| Let's Do Even Better | company | $0 | $3k | 0 | 0 | — | — | — |
| Yadana Saw - GWRC Pōneke | company | $0 | $2k | 0 | 0 | — | — | — |
| Ricardo Menéndez March MP | company | $0 | $2k | 0 | 0 | — | — | — |
| The New Zealand Initiative Lobby | other | $0 | $2k | 0 | 0 | 83 | 19 | — |
| Dominik Yanzick Labour Candidate for Wigram | company | $0 | $1k | 21 | 25 | — | — | — |
| Kahurangi Carter for Christchurch Central | company | $0 | $796 | 0 | 0 | — | — | — |
| Sarah Pallett - MP for Ilam | company | $0 | $495 | 0 | 0 | — | — | — |
| Nicola Grigg MP | company | $0 | $398 | 0 | 0 | — | — | — |
| Oscar Sims for Auckland Central | company | $0 | $396 | 0 | 0 | — | — | — |
| Public Service Association Lobby | other | $0 | $396 | 0 | 0 | 104 | 12 | — |
| Oscar Sims | company | $0 | $297 | 0 | 0 | — | — | — |
| Sophie Handford | company | $0 | $297 | 0 | 0 | — | — | — |
Disclosed money footprint per organisation — party donations received plus independent advertising spend across the currently-observable sources. Filter by left/right to compare totals and spread; trade unions are highlighted. Independent spend is legally separate from parties — alignment is not coordination.
These are still different disclosure windows, not one comparable period — read each bar as “disclosed money we can currently see for this actor,” not spend within a single timeframe:
Regulated third-party promoter returns — which carry the newspaper and other print spend no digital ad library captures — are reported per election cycle. The latest published set is from the 2023 General Election; see the per-medium breakdown on the 2023 election page. The methodology covers each source’s exact coverage and caveats.
| Organisation | Lean | Donations | Meta ads | Google ads | Total |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| ACT New Zealand | Right | $3.5M | $0 | $586k | $4.1M |
| New Zealand National Party | Centre-right | $3.4M | $58k | $355k | $3.8M |
| New Zealand Labour Party | Centre-left | $1.1M | $3k | $553k | $1.7M |
| New Zealand First Party | Centre-right | $1.4M | $299 | $0 | $1.4M |
| Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand | Left | $995k | $68k | $294k | $1.4M |
| Television New Zealand Limited | — | $0 | $0 | $1.0M | $1.0M |
| Opportunity Party | — | $471k | $0 | $38k | $508k |
| Family First New Zealand Lobby | Right | $0 | $131k | $0 | $131k |
| New Zealand Taxpayers' Union Lobby | Right | $0 | $34k | $0 | $34k |
| Hobson's Pledge Lobby | Right | $0 | $79k | $0 | $79k |
| Freedoms New Zealand | — | $180k | $0 | $0 | $180k |
| Te Pāti Māori | Left | $90k | $50k | $0 | $140k |
| The Greens, The Green Party of Aotearoa /New Zealand Incorporated | — | $0 | $0 | $113k | $113k |
| The Opportunities Party (TOP) Incorporated | — | $0 | $0 | $64k | $64k |
| ACT | — | $0 | $62k | $0 | $62k |
| NewZeal | — | $52k | $0 | $0 | $52k |
| Vision New Zealand | — | $48k | $0 | $0 | $48k |
| New Zealand First Incorporated | — | $0 | $0 | $44k | $44k |
| Safer Future Charitable Trust | — | $0 | $0 | $32k | $32k |
| Vote No to the End Of Life Act Incorporated | — | $0 | $0 | $30k | $30k |
| Hobson's Pledge Trustee Limited | — | $0 | $0 | $26k | $26k |
| DemocracyNZ | — | $20k | $0 | $0 | $20k |
| Free Speech Union Lobby | Right | $0 | $18k | $0 | $18k |
| Yes for Compassion | — | $0 | $0 | $17k | $17k |
| The New Zealand Drug Foundation | — | $0 | $0 | $17k | $17k |
| Electoral Commission | — | $0 | $0 | $16k | $16k |
| Maori Party | — | $0 | $0 | $14k | $14k |
| NZME PUBLISHING LIMITED | — | $0 | $0 | $13k | $13k |
| Grant McCallum | — | $0 | $0 | $11k | $11k |
| Gregory Fleming | — | $0 | $0 | $11k | $11k |
| James Christmas for Tāmaki | — | $0 | $9k | $0 | $9k |
| NZCTU Te Kauae Kaimahi Lobby Union | Left | $0 | $9k | $0 | $9k |
| NewZeal Party Inc | — | $0 | $0 | $9k | $9k |
| Sustainable New Zealand Party | — | $0 | $0 | $8k | $8k |
| Rima Nakhle | — | $0 | $0 | $7k | $7k |
| City Vision | — | $0 | $0 | $7k | $7k |